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Wilma A. Dunaway



In Appalachians and Race: The Mountain South from Slavery to Segregation, edited by John  Inscoe

(University Press of Kentucky, 2000)

This Article Is Copyrighted: When citing this article, be sure to cite the book in which it is published, not this website.

Master White didn't hesitate to sell any of his slaves, he said, "You all belong to me and if you don't like it, I'll put you in my pocket," meaning of course that he would sell that slave and put the money in his pocket.

(Amelia Jones, East Kentucky Slave)

The Forced Migration of Upper South Slaves

Since 1600, forced labor migrations have accompanied the expansion of capitalism around the globe. In the New World, European colonists initially enslaved Native Americans, decimating the indigenous populations to one-tenth their original size. From about 1700 onward, the enslavement of African peoples was the principal method by which European societies appropriated foreign labor for their colonies. By the time the transatlantic trade ended, most of these African slaves were deployed mainly in the Caribbean, Brazil and the U.S. Southeast. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, tobacco production absorbed two-fifths of the slave laborers in the United States. By the end of the American Revolution, however, the three major Southern exports (tobacco, indigo, rice) had declined in profitability on the world market. (1)

Simultaneously, cotton was required to fuel expansion of the English textiles industry, so world prices for that commodity underwent much less disruptive cyclical changes than other major Southern exports. Between 1810 and 1840, U.S. cotton production increased nearly tenfold, as plantations pushed westward to become concentrated in a long belt stretching from South Carolina through Texas. In almost every decade from 1810 to 1860, Lower South cotton production expanded three times faster than the agricultural output of the Upper South. "A continuation of rising demand for slaves in the West, a new surge of demand in the eastern tobacco region, and a slowdown in the rate of natural increase of the slave population all combined to double slave prices between the mid 1840s and the Civil War." (2)

Between 1810 and 1860, slavery was abolished in most nations of the Western Hemisphere. In the United States, however, world demand for cotton triggered the largest internal forced migration of slave laborers that has ever occurred in the history of the world. Lower South demand for slaves increased by more than 1800 percent, more than twice the rate of increase in the U.S. slave population. As a result, Upper South slaveholders exported to the Lower South nearly one million black laborers between 1790 and 1860. Legislators descried the extent to which the border states generated their profits from slave trading, rather than crop cultivation. In a fifty-year period, two-fifths of the African-Americans who were enslaved in the Upper South were forced to migrate to the cotton economy, primarily through interstate sales and secondarily though interregional transfers with their masters. This forced labor migration nearly quadrupled the slave population of the Lower South, leaving in the Upper South only about three-fifths of the slaves who should have been there in 1860. (3)

Slave Trading Routes

Southern Appalachia lay at the geographical heart of the forced migration of slaves from the Upper South to the Lower South. This region was linked by rivers and roads to the coastal trade centers of the Tidewater and the Lower South. Across those transportation linkages, Southern planters frequented 138 mineral spas scattered throughout the Appalachians, making travel capitalism an important segment of local economies. Furthermore, two major slave-trading networks cut directly through the Southern mountains. Out of Baltimore and upper Virginia, slave traders followed a route which cut across western Maryland, utilizing canal and river connections to Wheeling. Seated at the top of the Ohio River, Wheeling grew into a major regional slave-trading hub, an ironic economic role for a large Appalachian town that had such an extremely-low resident slave population. Since western Maryland masters could easily ship their slaves by river, Wheeling also served as a collection point for slaves to be hired or sold to the salt industry. From Wheeling, traders could follow the Ohio River southward to capitalize on major regional slave markets at Louisville, Memphis, Natchez and New Orleans. (4)

A second major route emanated out of Tidewater Virginia which was served by slave-trading hubs at Alexandria, Danville and Norfolk. Using river, canal and overland connections, traders moved southward through Richmond. Across this route between 1810 and 1860, Virginia masters exported 441,684 slaves to other states. Out of Richmond, traders proceeded southwest through Appalachian counties, triggering a small subregional trading nucleus. Abingdon provided market access for east Kentucky, southwest Virginia and upper east Tennessee buyers and sellers. To attract slave trader business, the East Tennessee and Virginia Railroad implemented a policy to carry small slave children free of charge. Down the route southward through the Tennessee Valley, speculators were served by an east Tennessee trading hub around Knoxville. Further south near the triangular conjuncture of Tennessee, Georgia and Alabama, they could take advantage of major subregional markets in Chattanooga and Rome, Georgia. (5)

On the eastern boundary of Southern Appalachia, a third significant trading route linked Norfolk inland to Richmond, then south through the North Carolina piedmont via Salisbury. A Jackson, North Carolina slave recalled that local owners "took hands in droves 150 miles to Richmond to sell them." Because they had been considering "selling property of that description," a Burke County, North Carolinian informed his family that "Negro property ha[d] taken a very considerable rise in Norfolk. . . in consequence of the number of purchasers for the Louisiana market." Thus, the counties of western North Carolina were connected to a transportation network which transferred slaves from the Upper South through middle North Carolina, to terminate either at Charleston or via Montgomery to Mobile or Natchez. (6)

On the western boundary of Southern Appalachia, a fourth trading route ran southward from Louisville via Lexington and Nashville to terminate in the Vicksburg and Natchez markets. Because of their geographical proximity, middle Tennessee and east Kentucky counties linked into this trading network. When middle Tennessee slaves were not bought by itinerant speculators, they were sent to the "slave yards" at Nashville or Memphis where they often waited two weeks or longer to be auctioned to Mississippi, Texas or Arkansas buyers. Secretly financed by prominent elites, Lexington slave dealers circulated throughout east Kentucky, buying up coffles of slaves directly from owners or at local auction blocks. As a result, Kentuckians sold more than 6,000 slaves annually to southern markets-- occasionally in large lots, like one Lewis County sale of "3 Bucks Aged from 20 to 26, Strong, Ablebodied, 1 Wench, Sallie, Aged 42, Excellent Cook, 1 Wench, Lize, Aged 23 with 6 mo. old Picinniny, One Buck Aged 52, good Kennel Man, 17 Bucks Aged from twelve to twenty." In 1829 Menefee County, Kentucky, a clergyman encountered "a company of slaves, some of them heavily loaded with irons, singing as they passed along." Because they were headed west to be auctioned at Lexington, the traveller was informed by the speculators that the slaves engaged in their march songs as "an effort to drown the suffering of mind they were brought into, by leaving behind their wives, children, or other near connexions and never likely to meet them again in this world." An east Kentucky slave remembered that Bluegrass dealers "made a business of buying up Negroes at auction sales and shipping them down to New Orleans to be sold to owners of cotton and sugar cane plantations. . . . they would ship whole boat loads at a time, buying them up 2 or 3 here, 2 or 3 there, and holding them in a jail until they had a boat load. This practice gave rise to the expression 'sold down the river.'" (7)

Itinerant Speculators

According to Appalachian slave narratives, two of every five of the region's sellers made transactions with slave traders engaged in interstate trafficking, many of whom made regular annual or biannual circuits throughout the Upper South. Traders tended in their buying "to be semi-itinerant and to rove over one or two counties (and perhaps the fringes of others). They might have a base at a particular town or village and might attend the public auctions at local county-towns, but usually they directly sought out their clients in the country districts. This practice, no doubt, stemmed from the advantages of developing local knowledge and of offering sellers the least troublesome and hazardous way of disposing of their slaves." Itinerant traders also regularly purchased free blacks from state and local governments when they had been sold into "absolute slavery" for offenses "punishable by confinement in penitentiaries." (8)

Winchester, Virginia attracted several itinerant traders in the 1820s. One newspaper announced that roving slave traders had for several days been wandering the streets of that town "with labels on their hats exhibiting in conspicuous characters the words 'Cash for Negroes.'" John Williamson offered to give cash "for fifteen or twenty likely negroes" to any local slaveholders who sought him out at his base of operation, Bryarly's Tavern. Similarly, Thomas Dyson did business in McGuire's Hotel while he bought up twenty or thirty Appalachian slaves. In the 1850s, the Baltimore-based Campbell firm employed a regular agent in Winchester, one of the sites selected to keep a steady supply of "large lots of the choicest Negroes" for export to New Orleans. Marshall Mack reported that itinerant traders were a common sight in Bedford County, Virginia; from there, coffles of slaves were "took to Lynchburg, Va. to the block to be sold." The Louisiana-based firm of Franklin and Armisted contracted regularly with J.M. Saunders and Company of Fauquier, Virginia; with George Kephart and Company of Frederick, Maryland; with Newton Boley of Winchester, Virginia; with Thomas Hundley of Amherst, Virginia; and with several smaller traders in western Maryland, southwest Virginia, and eastern Tennessee. These local agents collected slaves for consignment to the distant company that marketed them in New Orleans. Beginning in the early 1800s, one such Warrenton, Virginia speculator opened business to "purchase slaves for the Southern market;" and he subsequently "made a large fortune" from these activities until the Civil War. (9)

In the early antebellum period, Samuel Carey appeared regularly to buy up slaves in small western Maryland towns. Between 1832 and 1860, an agent for an Alexandria firm frequently sought out buyers by setting up operations at taverns in small Maryland communities. In the 1830s, he offered "CASH IN MARKET. I wish to purchase FIFTY LIKELY YOUNG NEGROES, of both sexes, from ten to thirty years of age. Persons wishing to dispose of slaves, would find it to their advantage to give me a call, as I feel disposed to pay the highest market price." Interested parties could leave messages for him at one of three tavern locations, including the Union Tavern in Frederick County. (10)

Itinerant traders even situated themselves in counties with few slaves. In the 1820s, speculators travelled regularly into the isolated mountains of the Cherokee Nation. In the 1830s, Jeremiah Giddings advertized in Monongalia County to "purchase FIFTY LIKELY YOUNG NEGROES from 12 to 28 years old." Distant commission speculators also employed resident agents who operated in many out-of-the-way Appalachian communities. In east Kentucky where there was the region's smallest slave population, "traders came into the county to buy up slaves for the Southern plantations," taking them by boat or overland "down the river or over in Virginia and Carolina tobacco fields." Lexington-based slavers L.C. Robards and William F. Talbott employed local representatives in several east Kentucky towns. Betty Cofer "saw some slaves sold away from [her] Wilkes County, North Carolina plantation" to traders who "sold 'em down to Mobile, Alabama." In east Tennessee, local and itinerant traders went from farm to farm buying slaves; the speculator paid a cash deposit and signed a note to complete payment when he resold them to cotton planters in Alabama or Mississippi. Itinerant traders "travel[led] around the country" regularly in middle Tennessee, attaching their handbills to storefronts, jails, courthouses, mills, and churches. (11)

To arrange connections with itinerant traders, Appalachian slaveholders often utilized lawyers in regional trade towns. For example, a Monroe, West Virginia master sent a slave to the Summers law firm in Charleston for export down the Ohio River. The agent was advised to keep the slave "in jail for greater Security" and not to tell him that he was being sold out-of-state as he would "be disposed to run." Appalachians also maximized their family linkages with Lower South and Southwestern traders. For instance, the Walkers were urged to rent their slaves in Missouri "at double the Virginia rates." A South Carolinian wrote to his Madison, Virginia relatives that "the cholera has thinned the Negroes much on the Coast and the South generally and they are then said to be selling very high." In early 1850, a Norfolk trader wrote his Appalachian kin that prime male slaves were "selling in Georgia or Florida at $1,000 to $1,200." A Fauquier, Virginia owner decided to sell a slave family west after encouraging news from relatives there. (12)

Primarily rural in character, Appalachian slave trading was organized by roving traders who made direct transactions with slave owners. According to regional slave narratives, it was very common in the fall and spring for itinerant traders to appear in the countryside. Penny Thompson of Coosa County, Alabama remembered that "de speculation waggin (negro traders) come by often. Dey stops 'cross de road f'om de Marster's place an' all de Marsters come dere for to trade." In Jackson County, Alabama, "de speckulaters was white men dat sometimes comes around buyin', sellin' or tradin' slaves jest lak dey do cattle now. . . . Dem speckulaters would put de chilluns in a wagon usually pulled by oxens and de older folks was chained or tied together sos dey could not run off and dey would go from one plantation ter another all ovah de country." (13)

To avoid any threat of runaways, Appalachian masters tried to disguise their plans. When one Floyd County, Georgia master decided to trade, a twelve-year-old boy "was fooled out of [his] mammy's house by dem speculators wid an apple. When [he] went out, two or three white men grabbed [him]." Another Buncombe County, North Carolina master sent all his slaves to their regular work in the fields. Then "Ole Marse he cum t'ru de field wif a man call de specalater. Day walk round jes' lookin', jes' lookin'. All de [slaves] know whut dis mean. Dey didn't dare look up, jes' wok right on. Den de specalater he see who he want. He talk to Ole Marse, den dey slaps de han'cuffs on him an' tak him away to de cotton country." When the speculator was ready to leave with his purchases, "effen dey [was] enny whut didn' wanta go, he thrash em, den tie em 'hind de waggin an' mek um run till dey fall on de groun', den he thrash em till dey say dey go [wi]thout no trouble." (14)

Appalachian Slave Traders

Clearly, local Appalachian communities did not censor residents who sold slaves out of state; for towns and counties did not regulate against such business activities. Indeed, slave trading occurred often enough that Appalachian towns passed ordinances authorizing their sheriffs, judges, and constables to collect fees for conducting auctions and for jailing slaves. In addition, most towns and counties charged slave dealers a special business tax. Recognizing the amount of revenue involved in the enterprise, Chattanooga taxed slave traders $500 annually. Some Appalachian entrepreneurs engaged in the practice of buying up local slaves for export to distant buyers. In reality, about one of every 154 Appalachian households acquired part of its income from slave trading activities. Nearly half of these Appalachian slave traders were landless; but they averaged $10,890 in household wealth, far above regional averages. Ten percent of them averaged $79,333 in assets; and they reported primary occupations like merchant, land speculator, farmer, or commercial wagoner. Some of these slave traders were among the region's most respected economic elites, like attorneys and judges who regularly handled slave transactions for distant clients. As a routine service, country stores advanced to bounty hunters the advertized rewards for runaways, then received larger commissions from the slave owners. (15)

Four respected community leaders acted as professional slave traders in Loudoun County, Virginia, often representing large interstate traffickers located in distant port cities. Between 1839 and 1841, William Holland Thomas of western North Carolina bought and resold eight to twelve slaves every year. A Coffee County, Tennessee master worked on commission for his neighbors to carry "a bunch of the field hands down in Louisiana" every year. Hamilton Brown earned a commission for arranging interstate sales for his neighbors. When prices were lower than he desired, he withheld the laborers for a better profit. In one instance, he advised the owner, "I think the opportunity will be much better for selling them in the fall. I have no doubt but I shall be able to sell for a much better price then than at this time." Over a ten-month period in 1835 and 1836, Floyd Whitehead of Nelson County, Virginia exported to Mississippi 73 slaves. Obviously, Whitehead's slave trading was extensive and continual; for he formed a business partnership with a Lynchburg agent. Moreover, he empowered a trusted slave to seek out, buy and sell slaves in the countryside. Still, Whitehead's involvement in the "abominable trade" did not prevent him from being elected to positions as county sheriff and representative to the state legislature. (16)

In Wilkes County, North Carolina, the partnership of Gwyn and Hickerson aggressively engaged in land and slave speculation from 1845 through the Civil War. Gwyn initiated the lucrative business when a Missouri relative proposed a venture in which Hickerson would buy up military bounties, resell the lands to new Missouri settlers, and then procure slaves for resale to those new farms. Within a few months, Gwyn was buying up young male field hands at bargain prices from neighbors who were burdened by debt. In order to accumulate coffles for export, Gwyn and his agents frequented public auctions throughout western North Carolina. Gwyn went so far as to use the courts to have a local widow declared "a fit subject for the Asylum" when she tried to prevent the sale of her slaves to speculators who would "scatter them." Friends testified that "if she had no nigrose, they would not care what became of her." Still the court declared Gwyn "guardian," giving him legal right to dispose of her property. When they had accumulated enough for export to Missouri, Gwyn sent the slaves off in overland caravans. In one instance, his driver notified him that "tonight we have pitched our tents within ten miles of Knoxville. . . . The negroes all seem to do as well as they know how." In east Tennessee, Gwyn's slaves were put on Tennessee River flatboats for the second stage of their long journey westward. (17)

As the Staunton agent for the Lynchburg Hose and Fire Insurance Company, John McCue wrote policies on the lives of slaves and supervised the required medical examinations. Using insider information about his clients' property, McCue acted as a commissioned middleman. In one instance, he secretly evaluated the slaves of a client for a third party. He informed the potential buyer that he "had Several Conversations with the parties," but that there could be "no Compromise" unless "all [would] be Strictly Confidential." McCue also reminded the secret buyer that he "Could get a fare chance" for him, for which assistance he expected to receive "a Small mite." Two West Virginia speculators regularly transported slaves via Charleston, down the Ohio River to Kentucky markets. One of their coffles of seventeen laborers landed at the Maysville steamboat wharf in the spring of 1849. The local newspaper reported that citizens had spotted the cohort "being conducted," in handcuffs and chains, inland to Lexington. Another West Virginia elite offered to buy up local slaves for resale. He responded to an inquirer: "Negroes always rise in the Spring. It is the time the traders are making out their companies for the South. January and February are the months to make purchase advantageously. . . . It would require some weeks to pick up such negroes as you want at the county about. It would be better to authorize me to purchase them for you." (18)

In addition to Appalachians who dabbled in the business as a sideline, there were many merchants who specialized in "the abominable traffic." A small trader in Knoxville, Tennessee notified potential Bluegrass buyers that he would "carry slaves on speculation" and that he "intend[ed] carrying on the business extensively." One east Tennessee merchant boasted that he had "bought and sold in [his] day over 600." In the tiny town of Chattanooga, two companies (F.A. Parham and A.H. Johnston) operated slave exchanges on Market Street near the railroad depot. Frederick, Maryland slavers Kephart and Harbin invested in a ship to export slaves, and they maintained a marketing agency in New Orleans. Augusta Countian J.E. Carson regularly bought up Shenandoah Valley slaves for export. One of Carson's typical newspaper advertisements declared that he would pay high cash prices for "500 likely YOUNG NEGROES of both sexes, for the Southern market." In addition, Carson searched down runaways and then purchased them cheap from their owners. A flourishing slave trade was centered in the Surry County, North Carolina area where the notorious slave driver, Kit Robbins, carried on his operations in a six-county vicinity. Similarly, Tyre Glen was active in slave buying in the counties west of him; he exported laborers to southern Georgia and South Carolina. Calvin Cowles, a Wilkes County, North Carolina merchant, purchased and hired slaves from whom he earned profits by contracting them out on annual hires. Frank White and William Beasley gathered coffles of slaves from Wilkes County, North Carolina for the Charleston market. In White County, Tennessee, Daniel Clark and W. H. Matlock bought and resold about 150 slaves per year through their dealings in Tennessee, Virginia, North Carolina, Alabama and Mississippi. (19)

Charlie Merrill, a regular trader in Franklin County, Tennessee bought up local slaves for export to Nashville and Memphis. North Georgian H.M. Cobb regularly transported slaves from Virginia to auction at his firm in Rome, Georgia. Even in east Kentucky, local traders were active. Floyd County, for example, had two speculators. County judge Houston and his son-in-law "gathered up all the slaves that were unruly or that people wanted to trade and housed them in an old barn until they had enough to take to New Orleans on a boat." Cherokee elites also accumulated part of their wealth from slave trading. Several Indian dealers, including planter James Vann, made regular trips to New Orleans, Savannah, and Charleston to buy and sell slaves. In addition, the Federal Indian Agent collected bounties from masters for slave runaways and arranged transactions between Cherokees and whites. (20)

Forty-five percent of the Appalachian slave traders were middling households, averaging $13,175 in assets. A land/Negro speculator of Cass County, Georgia; a Frederick County, Maryland merchant; and traders of Giles County, Virginia and Randolph County, West Virginia were typical of this segment. For example, Frank White and David McCoy of Page County, Virginia engaged in intermittent slave trading as a sideline to farming and livestock. McCoy purchased Bethany Veney from a neighbor, "thinking he could make a speculation" on her at Richmond. Between 1835 and 1845, two local traders-- Britton Atkins and William Manor-- regularly transported overland coffles to the Mobile market from the small towns of Blount County, Alabama. (21)

Surprisingly, 45 percent of the region's slave traders resided in Appalachian households with limited assets. A sizeable segment of those who engaged in the human traffic averaged $244 or less in total wealth; and fifteen percent of them owned neither land nor any other personal assets. How, then, could a poor Appalachian speculate in slave trading? First, such a person may have had dreams of future fortunes, like the two "Negro traders" in the sample from Franklin County, Virginia and Tyler County, West Virginia who invested in cheap slave children in order to earn significant profits when they reached prime marketable age. Second, a landless laborer may have thought of himself as a slave trader because he worked for a commercial speculator, helping to transport coffles or acting as intermediary to buy up local slaves for export. In many communities, Appalachian slaveholders maintained private jails separate from the facilities that incarcerated white criminals. Poor laborers managed the jails which housed runaways and slaves about to be hired or sold at nearby auctions. Customarily, Appalachian slaveholders paid these jailers 30 cents to one dollar per day for each slave housed. In addition, some poor whites were "slave catchers" who trained and used bloodhounds to track and capture runaways. (22)

Poor Appalachians could engage in slave trading in a fourth way. When slaveholders advertised runaways, poor whites acted as "bounty hunters" seeking to profit from the capture of slaves. When they spotted blacks "working about as free men" who fit the description of runaways, they contacted owners and offered their assistance for reward plus expenses. After a Wilkes County, North Carolina master publicized a runaway, he was contacted by such a slave hunter. "I have noticed him closely since I have seen your reward," he wrote. "He is hired out by the month, and he has every opportunity of running away, if he should suspect a discovery. The man who has him hired has agreed with me to keep him in his employ until you can come and get him." In another instance, B.W. Brooks offered to assist an owner if he came "in the night" to check the identity of a black who was "working about as a free man" who had not "yet obtained any Certificate of freedom from the Court." Brooks thought "it most prudent not to take him up and commit him to jail as he would in that event be certain to break jail and escape." John P. Chester wrote to an owner that "if there is no other hand I will kidnap them." Fearing that someone else would interfere and collect the reward, Chester added: "I am compelled to keep this secret from the world." (23)

Fifth, poorer Appalachians dabbled in the human export business by "blackbirding." Nearly 4 percent of the Appalachian slave narratives describe incidents in which individuals were captured and sold illegally through slave trafficking, and this activity occurred often enough for regional newspapers to coin the term "blackbirding" when they reported such cases. In Wythe County, Virginia, two poor whites in a buggy lay in wait on an isolated country road for fourteen-year-old Benjamin Washington. "One jumped out and tied his hands together," and the pair sped off to sell him to an itinerant speculator who was collecting a coffle for export to Mississippi. In McMinn County, Tennessee, free blacks were kidnapped and sold at Chattanooga. In Grayson County, Virginia, "five white men undertook to take five negroes." When the free blacks resisted, "two white men and two or three negroes were killed." Free Cherokees were also kidnapped and sold into slavery. Near Lookout Mountain, Tennessee, Sarah Red Bird, "a pureblood Indian," was sold to a Mississippi slaveholder after her family was killed "in an uprising wid de whites" who were "trying to drive dem out." Free Cherokees of mixed-Negro heritage were sometimes captured for profiteering, and free blacks could be kidnapped in the Cherokee Nation and sold to traders. While driving a wagon to an isolated West Virginia field, the teenage Peter Wych "was overtaken by a 'speculator' and brought to Georgia where he was sold." Similarly, two middle Tennessee slave children "wuz stole" and exported to Georgia and Mississippi. Because middle Tennessee children "were often stolen by speculators and later sold at auctions" in Nashville, one Warren County master constructed "a tall lookout on the roof" of his mansion. From that vantage point, a "watchman" kept guard over "the carefree children who played in the large yard of the nearby quarters." (24)

At Lexington, Virginia, an eight-year-old boy "was taken from the lower end of town by kidnappers, and carried off in a row boat." In West Virginia, "blackbirders" kidnapped slaves who had been hired out to the salt works, then sold them at Wheeling or Richmond. Promising their captives a march to freedom, Floyd County, Kentucky "slave rustlers" stole slaves at night and hid them "in Campbell's Cave." When their trail had cooled, the kidnappers exported the black laborers to Clarksville, Tennessee, where they would "sell them again on Mr. Dunk Moore's slave market." Lewis Robards, a Lexington slave dealer, used the services of "slave stealers" in rural east Kentucky. Some blackbirders formed regional networks for their illicit traffic. In Rutherford County, North Carolina, for example, William Robbins colluded with poor whites to "rustle" slaves. In one instance, Robbins even convinced a free black that, by "stealing slaves," he could "make money much faster than he was doing" as a blacksmith. In Surry County, North Carolina, "a number of colored people" were "illegally held in bondage" after they were kidnapped and sold by a group of blackbirders. One company of slave and horse rustlers was comprised of several men scattered through a four-county area along the east Tennessee and northwest Georgia border. "They had stations in various parts of the country, at convenient distances, and when a member of the club succeeded in stealing away a negro or pony, he would pass him on as quickly as he could to the nearest station, from which point he would be forwarded to another, and so on, till the negro or horse was quite safely disposed of." By promising them freedom, another gang was able to attract slaves to leave with them voluntarily. In northern Georgia, Buck Hurd "used frequently to come round to [the] quarters of a night," to "try to entice" slaves away. This kidnapper bragged in his community that he "had got slaves to run from one master, and after selling them to another, would induce them to run from him, and then sell them to a third." In that way, "he had been known to sell the same [slave] three or four times over." (25)

Overland Slave Coffles

The traffic in Appalachian slaves was dominated by "coffles" lasting as long as seven to eight weeks. Antebellum journalists observed that Lower South firms preferred overland transport because it was "attended with less expense." Moreover, "by gradually advancing [slaves] into the climate, it in a measure preclude[d] the effect which a sudden transition from one state to the other might produce." The son of a western Maryland slaveholder reported in the 1830s that he had "seen hundreds of colored men and women chained together, two by two, and driven to the South." West Virginians sent slave coffles overland to the Ohio River for steamboat transport to New Orleans. When a West Virginia master sent twenty-four slaves to the Richmond slave mart, he cautioned his son to "be discreet. . . so as not to excite a runaway slave." Over a five-year period in the 1830s, Samuel Hall spotted twelve or fifteen such coffles, averaging forty slaves each, passing along the road near his home in Greenbrier County. Distant speculators, like Franklin and Armisted, sent consigned slaves "overland but once a year-- in midsummer." (26) One traveller described the organization of such coffles leaving western Maryland for the Lower South.

A train of wagons, with the provisions, tents, and other necessaries, accompanies the expedition, and at night they all encamp. . . . Not more than three or four white men frequently have charge of a hundred and fifty slaves. Upon their march, also, they are usually chained together in pairs, to prevent their escape; and sometimes, when greater precaution is judged necessary, they are all attached to a long chain passing between them. Their guards and conductors are, of course, well armed. (27)

In 1830, a West Virginia newspaper documented the frequency with which slave coffles were spotted in regional towns. "During the past year," lamented the Kanawha Register, "the roads passing through Charleston have been crowded with travel of every sort. . . . the demon in human form, the dealer in bones and sinew, driving hundreds. . . clanking the chains of their servitude, through the free air of our valley, and destined to send back to us from the banks of the Mississippi the sugar and the cotton of that soil moistened with sweat and blood." Slave traders traversed the same roads as livestock drives through Southern Appalachia; and hundreds of camping spots, like those near Bean Station or in Warren County, Tennessee, became well-known as intermediate stopping points for coffles. (28)

Such a camp was described by an 1834 traveller who encountered a trading caravan passing through southwest Virginia. Just as they reached New River in the early morning, they came upon:

a camp of negro slave-drivers, just packing up to start; they had about three hundred slaves with them, who had bivouacked the preceding night in chains in the woods; these they were conducting to Natchez on the Mississippi River to work upon sugar plantations in Louisiana. . . . they had a caravan of nine waggons and single-horse carriages, for the purpose of conducting the white people, and any of the blacks that should fall lame. . . . The female slaves were, some of them, sitting on logs of wood, whilst others were standing, and a great many little black children were warming themselves at the fires of the bivouac. In front of them all, and prepared for the march, stood in double files, about two hundred male slaves, manacled and chained to each other.

[Once the caravan was packed and ready to move], a man on horseback selected a shallow place in the ford for the male slaves; then followed a waggon and four horses, attended by another man on horseback. The other waggons contained the children and some that were lame, whilst the scows, or flatboats, crossed the women and some of the people belonging to the caravan. . . . The slave-drivers. . . endeavor[ed] to mitigate their discontent by feeding them well on the march, and by encouraging them to sing "Old Virginia never tire," to the banjo.

As the traveller proceeded southward by stage coach, he encountered a second coffle encamped north of Knoxville, Tennessee. "Long after sunset," he reported, "we came to a place where numerous fires were gleaming through the forest. . . .There were a great many blazing fires around, at which the female slaves were warming themselves; the children were asleep in some tents; and the males, in chains, were lying on the ground, in groups of about a dozen each. The white men. . . were standing about with whips in their hands." (29)

The Black Appalachian Diaspora

There is conclusive evidence in the Census returns of the movement of slaves into and out of Southern Appalachia as part of the forced slave labor migration from the Upper South to the Lower South. With the exception of northern Alabama and northern Georgia, Southern Appalachia was populated by only three-fifths of the slaves who would have been there if no forced outward migrations had occurred. During this period, western Maryland lost half its slave population to interregional transfers while one-third of the slaves disappeared from east Kentucky, West Virginia, and Appalachian Virginia. By tracking age cohorts from the 1840 Census, it is possible to estimate the rate at which slaves disappeared from the region. Two of every five slaves counted in the 1840 cohort aged 0 to 9 had disappeared from Southern Appalachia by 1860. During this period, for example, western Maryland lost more than half of this age cohort of slaves. East Kentucky, western North Carolina, Appalachian Virginia and West Virginia lost about two of every five slaves from this cohort. Similarly, 2.2 of every five slaves counted in the 1840 cohort aged 10 to 59 had disappeared from Southern Appalachia by 1860. During this period, for example, western Maryland lost more than two-thirds of this age cohort of slaves. East Kentucky and West Virginia lost about one of every two slaves from this cohort while two of every five slaves of this cohort were removed from the Appalachian counties of North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee and Virginia. Males were exported from the region at a slightly higher rate than were females. From the 10 to 59 age group, 1.1 males were exported to every female, most probably leaving the region before the age of 29. (30)

In addition to surplus foodstuffs, salt, whiskey, timber, and minerals, Southern Appalachians exported surplus laborers to the cotton South. Even though only a small segment of the nation's slaves were located there, this region provided a disproportionate share of the slave laborers needed to produce cotton for the world market. Scholars continue to debate whether this interregional diaspora was produced by the exportation of slaves through interstate sales or by the forced migration of slaves with their masters. Earlier studies have estimated that sales accounted for less than 40 percent of all slaves transferred between states. Very recently, Tadman has more closely analyzed slave trader's transactions and demographic data to conclude that only about 15 percent of this interregional diaspora occurred because migrating masters carried their own slaves with them. In similar fashion, only 15.3 percent of the Appalachian slaves who had been transferred across state lines were removed by their migrating masters. Instead, interstate sales caused the vast majority of the forced labor migrations of Appalachian slaves. Two-thirds of the Appalachian sales were transactions in which the slaves were exported out of their counties of residence. Slave exporting offered an important advantage. Locally, slaves could bring as little as one-third to one-half of the value they drew in the Lower South. (31)

Estimates of Interstate Trading

Consequently, Southern Appalachians contributed significantly to the interstate traffic in slaves. Between 1840 and 1860, more than 63,000 Appalachian slaves were exported from the region through interstate sales. Another 24,011 external slaves were imported into the Appalachian counties of Alabama and Georgia. Thus, black Appalachians were the victims of nearly one-fifth of all the Upper South sales that occurred between 1840 and 1860. To put it another way, Appalachia was home for one of every eight of the slaves involved in the interregional black diaspora between 1840 and 1860. (32) The chances of a slave from the Upper South falling into the hands of interstate traders were quite high. "Teenagers from this area would have faced rather more than a 10 percent chance of being traded, and those in their twenties perhaps an 8-10 percent chance. By their thirties, the danger of falling into the grasp of interregional speculators would have eased to about 5 percent." Nearly one of every three slave children living in the Upper South in 1820 was "sold South" by 1860. Between 1820 and 1860, one-tenth of all Upper South slaves were forcibly removed to the Lower South by traders each decade. After 1840, Appalachian slaves were slightly more likely to be moved as part of the interstate trade than were their Upper South counterparts. For example, nearly one-fifth of the slave population left Loudoun County, Virginia, just in the decade between 1850 and 1860, the vast majority shifted southward through interstate sales. (33)

In the Appalachian counties of Alabama and Georgia, the slave populations ballooned to 1.5 to 1.8 times the level that would have obtained if no migration into these zones had occurred. Thus, Alabama and Georgia were importing slaves at rates which far exceeded averages for their home states. In fact, the mountain sections were importing one-half to two-thirds of the slaves that were being imported into those two Southern states between 1840 and 1860. What, then, accounts for this strange phenomenon? The forced removals of the Cherokees and Creeks were completed by 1839, spurring state lotteries that opened new lands for resettlement. Consequently, migration into the Appalachian counties of Alabama and Georgia intensified after 1840. Population in these zones more than doubled during this era while population in the rest of Southern Appalachia increased only 54 percent. Due to corruption and wealth inequality, public lands were concentrated into the hands of planters. Subsequently, the slave populations in these zones nearly tripled to support the rapid expansion of cotton and tobacco production. (34)

Slave Trading and Slave Family Disruptions

An Upper South slave risked a one-in-three chance of being sold before the age of forty. Similarly, about one-third of all slave narratives in the WPA collection report that masters sold slaves. In the slave-exporting states, larger slaveholders sold slaves about once every three years while owners of only one or two slaves engaged in slave-selling or buying about once every ten or twelve years. Significantly, the Appalachian narratives reported slave-selling by masters twice as often as narratives in the entire WPA collection.

Three-fifths of the Appalachian narratives reported that their masters engaged in slave selling. Of those Appalachian slaves whose narratives appear in Still's Underground Railroad, nearly one-half ran away when their masters threatened to sell them or their family members. For the South as a whole, slave trader records have been used to estimate that one of every three or four sales triggered the separation of spouses. However, Appalachian slaves reported marriage breakups more often than the national average. Indeed, Appalachian slaves were more likely to be sold away from their spouses than were their Southern counterparts-- "so 'tis dat de womens have fust one, an' den tudder man." In reality, most separated slave families permanently lost contact with their kin because their masters removed them too far away for contact to be maintained. Sales of family members, out-of-state migrations of masters, and gifts to distant children accounted for two-thirds of the forced labor migrations that disrupted families. (35)

While some mountain masters may have been reluctant to separate slave families, such compassion did not predominate the everyday lives of Appalachian slaves. Since sixty percent of the Appalachian slave narratives describe trading incidents, fear of permanent separation must have permeated African-American family life in the mountains. In reality, one of every three Appalachian slave marriages was destroyed by the masters' structural interference to maximize profits from forced labor migrations. Moreover, nearly two of every five Appalachian slaves were separated from their families as children-- two-thirds of them removed before the age of fifteen. The auction block and travelling speculators loomed like ever-present shadows over black Appalachians. Jim Threat remembered that his Talladega, Alabama quarters "lived in constant fear that they would be sold away from their families." Maggie Pinkard of Coffee County, Tennessee describes the recurrent trauma most poignantly: "When the slaves got a feeling there was going to be an auction, they would pray. The night before the sale they would pray in their cabins. You could hear the hum of voices in all the cabins down the row." (36)


1. The introductory quote is from George P. Rawick, comp., The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972), 16 (2): 38 [hereafter cited as Slave]. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System III: The Second Era of Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730-1840s (New York: Academic Press, 1989), 167. Robert W. Fogel, Without Consent or Contract: The Rise and Fall of American Slavery (New York: W.W. Norton, 1989), 63-64.

2. James L. Watkin, King Cotton: A Historical and Statistical Review, 1790-1908 (1908; reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), 195. Fogel, Without Consent, 64, 70.

3. Fogel, Without Consent, 65, 270. Thomas R. Dew, Review of the Debate in the Virginia Legislature of 1831 and 1832 (Richmond: T.W. White, 1832). Michael Tadman, Speculators and Slaves: Masters, Traders, and Slaves in the Old South (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 58-63. Richard Sutch, "The Breeding of Slaves for Sale and the Westward Expansion of Slavery, 1850-1860," in Race and Slavery in the Western hemisphere: Quantitative Studies, ed. S.L. Engerman and E.D. Genovese (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), 173-210.

4. For a map of slave trading routes, see Dixon R. Fox, Harper's Atlas of American History (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1920), 42. For a map of the counties included in the region, see Wilma A. Dunaway, The First American Frontier: Transition to Capitalism in Southern Appalachia, 1700-1860 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 110. A Documentary History of American Industrial Society, ed. J.R. Commons (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1910), 2: 341.

5. Charles H. Ambler, A History of West Virginia (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1933), 212. Lynda J. Morgan, Emancipation in Virginia's Tobacco Belt, 1850-1870 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), 36. Charles W. Turner, "Railroad Service to Virginia Farmers, 1828-1860," Agricultural History 22 (1948): 242. George P. Rawick, comp., The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, Supplement II (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing, 1979), 9: 3639, 12:136 [hereafter cited as Slave II].

6. For a description of a Richmond slave yard by an Appalachian slave, see Louis Hughes, Thirty Years a Slave: From Bondage to Freedom (1897; reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), 7-12. Slave, 11 (1): 167. Letter dated 17 December 1821, Thomas Lenoir Papers, Duke University Library.

7. Slave, 6: 9, 16: 67. Eloise Conner, "The Slave Market in Lexington, Kentucky: 1850-1860" (M.A. thesis: University of Kentucky, 1931), 49-58. Robert Wickliffe, "Speech on Negro Law" (Lexington, KY: Pamphlet, 1840), 14, Wickliffe-Preston Family Papers, University of Kentucky Library. Handbill dated 10 January 1855, J. Winston Coleman Papers, University of Kentucky Library. J. Winston Coleman, "Lexington's Slave Dealers and Their Southern Trade," Filson Club Historical Quarterly 12 (1938): 19-20. "Journal of the Life, Labours and Travels of Thomas Shillitoe," Friends Library 3 (1839): 461.

8. Content analysis of 280 Appalachian slave narratives. Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 49. Kenneth Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Antebellum South (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), 216. Slaves Condemned, Executed and Transported, 1783-1865, Records Group 48, Auditor of Public Accounts, Virginia State Library and Archive. Ellen Afto Manuscript, Handley Library, Winchester, Virginia.

9. Virginia Northwestern Gazette, 15 August 1818. New Orleans Picayune, 4 January 1860. Frederic Bancroft, Slave Trading in the Old South (Baltimore: J.H. Furst Co., 1931), 25-26n. Slave, 7 (1): 213. Wendell H. Stephenson, Isaac Franklin: Slave Trader and Planter of the Old South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1938), 26-7, 44-50, 103-9, 223. Edward St. Abdy, Journal of a Residence and Tour in the United States of America, from April, 1833 to October, 1834 (London: John Murray, 1835), 2: 209-10.

10. Cumberland Advocate, 28 October 1826. Maryland Journal and True American, 14 February 1832; also 8 January 1833.

11. American State Papers: Indian Affairs (Washington, DC: Gales & Seaton, 1831-1860), 2: 651. Winchester Republican, 23 June and 18 August 1826. Monongalia Farmer, 15 February 1834. Slave Interviews, 24 and typed working notes, Coleman Papers. George P. Rawick, comp., The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, Supplement I (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing, 1977), 11: 20, 5 (2): 321-2, 12: 257 [hereafter cited as Slave I].

12. Letter dated 17 December 1846, George W. and Lewis Summers Papers, West Virginia University Library. These manuscripts at University of Virginia Library: Letter dated 6 June 1837, Walker Family Papers; Letter dated 22 April 1833, Wallace Family Papers; Letter dated 18 January 1850, Rives Family Papers; Letter dated 30 June (no year), Blackwell Family Papers.

13. Slave II, 9: 3872, 3: 800.

14. Slave, 14 (1): 354-5. Slave I, 7: 690-91.

15. Other writers have claimed that "no stigma attached to strictly local trades in which buyer and seller were both residents. . . . but a local seller who sold slaves to a buyer from another state was often censored." See Edward W. Phifer, "Slavery in Microcosm: Burke County, North Carolina," Journal of Southern History 28 (1962), 153-54. Similarly, Inscoe, Mountain Masters, claims that few western North Carolina masters "violated the community norm of selling slaves only locally." Gilbert E. Govan and James W. Livingood, The Chattanooga Country from Tomahawks to TVA (1952; reprint, Knoxville: University of Tennessee, 1977), 147. Out of a sample of 3,056 Appalachian households drawn systematically from the 1860 Census of Population manuscripts, twenty reported slave trading as a source of family income. For 1860 Census sampling methods, see Dunaway, First American Frontier, 326-27. Wilma A. Dunaway, Never Safe in the Family Way: Forced Labor Migrations, Household Survival, and Reproductive Exploitation on Small Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, forthcoming), Table 4.6, Table 5.7.

16. Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White: Family and Community in the Slave South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 178. Diary and Accounts, 1839-1841, William Holland Thomas Papers, Duke University Library. Slave I, 12: 257. Letter dated 5 June 1838, Hamilton Brown Papers, University of North Carolina Library. Whitehead and Loftuss Accounts and Letters dated 14 March 1837, 15 May 1839, Floyd L. Whitehead Papers, University of Virginia Library.

17. Letters dated 7 May 1845, 4 February 1846, 12 February 1846, 14 December 1846, 18 August 1849, 19 August 1849, 12 May 1858, 18 August 1859, 25 January 1863, 2 June 1859, 11 June 1859, 4 July 1859, 10 October 1857, James Gwyn Papers, University of North Carolina Library.

18. Letter dated 8 February 1858, McCue Family Papers, University of Virginia Library. Maysville Eagle, 6 November 1849. 1844 letter (date illegible), Wilson-Lewis Papers, West Virginia University Library.

19. Wickliffe, "Speech," 14. George M. Stroud, A Sketch of the Laws relating to Slavery in the Several States of the United States of America (Philadelphia: 1856), 108, 167, 219, 232. Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other Manuscripts (Richmond: State of Virginia, 1875-1893), 8: 255. John T. Trowbridge, The Desolate South, 1865-1866, ed. Gordon Carroll (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1956), 125. Chattanooga Gazette, 16 February 1849. Chattanooga Advertiser, 8 January 1857. Daily National Intelligencer (Washington, DC), 7 November 1836; 21 October 1837. Lexington Gazette (Virginia), 2 and 9 August 1860. Charles B. Dew, Bond of Iron: Master and Slave at Buffalo Forge (New York: W.W. Norton, 1994), 279. Raleigh News and Observer, 26 July 1925. Many letters between 1835 and 1845, Tyre Glen Papers, Duke University Library. Letters dated 9 June 1862, 25 June 1862, 30 January 1863, 5 April 1863, Cowles Family Papers, North Carolina Department of Archives and History. Letter dated 2 March 1835, Brown Papers. Monroe Seals, History of White County, Tennessee (Spartanburg: Reprint Co. Publishers, 1974), 58.

20. Ophelia Egypt, H. Masuoka, & C. S. Johnson, Comp. "Unwritten History of Slavery: Autobiographical Account of Negro Ex-slaves, Social Science Document No. 1 (1945), Mimeographed Typescript, Fisk University Archives, 166. Slave, 7: 141. "Slave Interviews," Coleman Papers, 34. Kenneth G. Hamilton, ed., "Minutes of the Mission Conference Held in Spring Place," Atlanta Historical Bulletin (Winter 1970), 36. "Letters of Benjamin Hawkins," Georgia Historical Collections, 9 (1924), 242, 313.

21. The Narrative of Bethany Veney: A Slave Woman (Worcester, Mass.: A.P. Bicknell, 1890), 27. Huntsville Democrat, 30 December 1835, 14 April 1841.

22. Letter dated 29 December 1845, Gwyn Papers. Slave I, 8: 128

23. Letters dated 18 November 1835, 20 December 1836, 13 September 1837, Brown Papers.

24. Louise M. Pease, "The Great Kanawha in the Old South, 1671-1861" (Ph.D. diss., West Virginia University, 1959), 198. Staunton Spectator, 3 February 1858. Slave, 11 (1): 47, 16 (1): 2, 13 (1): 118. Entry dated 14 August 1851, James Gwyn Diary, 271, Gwyn Papers. Slave I, 9: 1419-20, 5: 461, 10: 2175, 12 (1): 196. Slave II, 1: 68. Records of the Cherokee Indian Agency in Tennessee, 1801-1835, National Archives, microfilm, 29 July 1805, 18 August 1805.

25. Alexandria Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 8 August 1818, Pease, "Great Kanawha," 198. Eaves narrative, Coleman Papers. J. Winston Coleman, Slavery Times in Kentucky (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1940), 211. Western Citizen, 30 April and 3 May 1848. Asheboro Southern Citizen and Man of Business, 6 May and 3 June, 1837. John H. Franklin, The Free Negro in North Carolina, 1790-1860 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1943), 54. Slave Life in Georgia: A Narrative of the Life of John Brown, ed. L. A. Chamerovzow (Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1971), 49-50.

26. Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, ch. 3. Joseph H. Ingraham, The Southwest by a Yankee. (New York: Harper and Brothers,  1835), 2: 238. July 1836 letter, Wilson-Lewis Papers. Theodore D. Weld, American Slavery as It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses (1839; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1968), 69-70, 76.

27. E.A. Andrews, Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade in the United States (Boston: 1836), 140, 142-3, 148.

28. Kanawha Register, 5 February 1830. Will T. Hale, Early History of Warren County (McMinnville, TN: Standard Printing, 1930), 44.

29. G.W. Featherstonhough, Excursion through the Slave States, From Washington on the Potomac to the Frontier of Mexico, With Sketches of Popular Manners and Geological Notices (1844; reprint, New York: Negro Universities, 1968), 1: 119-23, 169.

30. Dunaway, Never Safe, Table 5.1, Table 5.2. Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 7.

31. Dunaway, First American Frontier, 123-94. Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 45n. Winfield Collins, The Domestic Slave Trade of the Southern States (New York: Broadway Publishing, 1904), 39, 50, 62. Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman. Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1974), 79. Dunaway, Never Safe, Table 5.3, Table 5.6.

32. Between 1840 and 1860, more than half a million slaves were transferred between regions; see Robert Evans, "Some Economic Aspects of the Domestic Slave Trade, 1830-1860," Southern Economic Journal 27 (1961): 333. Dunaway, Never Safe, Table 5.4.

33. Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 5, 45. Stevenson, Life in Black and White, 399n. Donald Sweig, "Northern Virginia Slavery: A Statistical and Demographic Investigation" (Ph.D. diss.: College of William and Mary, 1982), 259. Dunaway, Never Safe, Table 5.5.

34. Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 7, 45. Dunaway, First American Frontier, 71-73. John M. Allman, "Yeoman Regions in the Antebellum Deep South: Settlement and Economy in Northern Alabama, 1815-1860" (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1979), 128-42.

35. Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 112, 300. Dunaway, Never Safe, Table 5.10, Table 7.1. William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives and Letters (Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1872). Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1: 48-52. Herbert Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750-1925 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1976), 141-52. Letter dated 5 January 1822, Carr Family Papers, University of Virginia Library. Slave II, 5: 1791.

36. Dunaway, Never Safe, Table 5.6. Slave I, 12: 335, 257.